Reflections on Peel

I greatly enjoyed Robert Peel by Douglas Hurd, and in fact found it extremely instructive, not least the Acknowledgments, which provide a solid example of what one has to do in order to write such a book. It also made it clear how important Peel was to the development of British politics in general, and the British state itself, through his key reforms. The economic historian in me latches onto the repeal of the Corn Laws and the powerful thrust he gave to Free Trade itself, in the teeth of opposition from his traditional Protectionist Tory supporters, who had often campaigned on precisely the opposite platform. But other major contrasts with the present era are more interesting.

The first that comes to mind is the typical attitude shown by British statesmen towards being in power. In brief, one finds more reluctance than naked ambition at this time - examples of politicians energetically shrugging off the opportunity to form a Ministry in the face of overwhelming organisational difficulties, and the general impossibility of forming permanent coalitions. Through the whole of the 1830's Peel worked on a long-term strategy, refusing the idea of holding the Premiership if it did not come with a genuine working majority in Parliament, and a cohesive team in the Cabinet. During his time, and epitomized by his publication of the Tamworth Manifesto, one sees the embryonic formation of the modern British Party Political system - although, with crushing irony, his own attempt at making a cohesive Conservative Party immediately floundered on his stance on Free Trade, where he effectively chose what was right for the Country over what was right for the Party, and split it in passing the repeal of the Corn Laws. But for him it would have seemed deeply dishonourable to hold onto power when both the Country and the Party were against him. Hence, upon reading the final chapters, one cannot help reflecting how Hurd's last boss, John Major, was utterly different -spinning out a deeply unpopular ministry to its very bitter end in 1997, in a manner that probably suited neither the country nor the conservatives. Very different times.

The other reflection that springs to mind is the basic integrity that imbues a man who nevertheless changes his mind on enormous matters - the non-Ultra conservative, who realises that change is inevitable, manages it, rather than screeching hysterically about the End of the World that change represents. On Catholic Emancipation, Reform and Free Trade he recognised ultimately that his earlier view were wrong, and that his instincts to conserve what is best in Britain would nevertheless be best served by a managed programme of change. At some point in the next century, Sterling will be abandoned. I wonder if it will be a similarly bloodied, stubborn and strong Conservative that manages it?